| Stutterheim - A History of the Area |
| British-German Legion | Bethel Mission | Xhosa History | ||
| Gangers Cottages | Von Stutterheim's Mill | Sandile's Grave |
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| Recent History |
| In 1989, Stutterheim was a microcosm of South Africa.
Black and White communities were not only divided but
mutually suspicious and distrustful. Township conditions
were horredous. As the national political situation
became more tense, crime and violence increased
dramatically. Stutterheim, in fact, had one of the
highest rates of political murders in the country. There had been very little development in the townships surrounding Stutterheim and the black communities were amoung the most neglected in the country. By the late 1950's "not a single matchbox house had been built" (Chris Magwangqana, Unpublished paper).
Since the late 1960's, the continual threat of forced removal to the Ciskei further inhibited development. By 1989, there were still very few communal street taps in the township, totally inadequate sanitation services, no electricity and few employment opportunities. By 1990, the number of taps had increased to 120 in Mlungisi. However, these were shared by 23 500 residents of several townships, with people walking between 200 metres and four kilometres (round trip) to get water from a tap in Mlungisi.
From 1985, residents demonstrated their anger about forced removals and unfair labour practices in local shops and factories. In 1986 they participated in stayaways to protest against the Labour Relations Act. Since workers did not have effective bargaining rights, they became even more discontented. Frustration and anger escalated since there were no channels for dialogue - local authorities were segregated. The white council was inaccessible to blacks and the black council lacked credibility among township residents and was therefore totally unacceptable. Township residents marched on a monthly basis protesting about a variety of issues such as unfair dismissals and the high costs of township rents relative to the quality of services provided. The level of conflict between residents and the police rose dramatically. The police response was woefully inadequate. Intimidation and police harassment were the order of the day. There were efforts to solve the problems in Stutterheim. Rev. Lulama Ntshingwa, representing the black community, initiated a number of peace efforts in June and July 1989. He tried to confront the police and to communicate with the business communities. With the support of the Border Council of Churches, and the assistance of Nico Ferreira (then the mayor of Stutterheim), he organised a prayer service to pray for peace. A permit was not granted for this but the prayer service took place in October 1989 and some members of the white community attended. Ferreira had also tried to address the problems of Stutterheim, seeking assistance from a variety of institutions (Fort Hare, the Development Bank of Southern Africa) to address issues of underdevelopment. At this time negotiations between various communities were having no real success. From the perspective of the local business community there was no real consistency in civic leadership. This was because of the very real fear amoug township residents that the police would arrest identified leaders. The township residents believed the local business community was arrogant. Communication broke down. In August and September 1989, the atmosphere in Stutterheim became very bitter. Political protest intensified, necklacing and teargassing in the township were common, three members of the security forces were murdered, members of the clergy were beaten by the police and Rev. Ntshingwa was arrested. In retaliation the civic leaders decided to lead a consumer boycott against local white businesses on September 13, 1989. The boycott was to last for 7 months. The civic movement was particularly strong in Stutterheim, as the leadership was young and dynamic. Parents accepted the younger generation's leadership, in part because of the high rate of illiteracy amoung the parents. Civic leaders from different townships formed an organisation called the Stutterheim Co-ordinating Committee. The committee was very successful in sustaining the boycott because:
Nevertheless, all communities suffered. The economic effects of the boycott were significant. Blacks had to shop in King William's Town, 50km away. Fourteen businesses closed down. The only beneficiaries of the boycott were the mini-bus drivers who charged R10 per trip from Stutterheim to King William's Town and 20 cents for each parcel. The boycott was, in the words of Chris Magwangqana (Chairman of the Stutterheim Development Foundation):
According to Chris Magwangqana:
Nico Ferreira, in his capacity as mayor, had also made the decision that negotiation was the only solution. The turning point was on May 6, 1990 when a historic meeting was held in the Town Hall. The boycott ended on May 7 1990. At the initiation of the Town Council, members of the various civic associations met. They resolved to:
The strengths of the group were that its members operated on the basis of good faith, realising that this was more important than focusing on constitutional matters. The meeting of these representatives took place on a monthly basis and became known as the Stutterheim Forum. Early on, the Forum identified community needs. It was realised that substantial finance would have to be raised. In 1992, a section 21 company, the Stutterheim Development Foundation, was formed to act as a financial conduit for the Forum. Since that time, the SDF as it has come to be known, has enjoyed remarkable success with it's local development efforts and has developed a excellent reputation with donor organisations. A community meeting is still held once a month. The contents of the Recent History Page are extracted from the book "Making a Difference", written by Barbara Nussbaum, sponsored by Barlow Limited and published by Vivlia Publishers and Booksellers (Pty) Ltd. |
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